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    • upuaut8
    08-15 11:08 AM
    maybe eventually... grrr, double grr.. Kirupa,, could you erase all of the above posts that didn't work except the first one?

    oh yeah.. press on the middle of the safe to see the effect.



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    • coldcloud
    07-21 10:46 PM
    This might be little bit old, but I dont remember seeing a post on this. Employment-based immigrant visa fees almost doubled, Old fees $ 355, new fees $ 720 from July 13th. Does this mean USCIS will open the gates in Sept bulletin [to be released in August]?

    New Consular Fees (http://travel.state.gov/news/news_5078.html)



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    • sunny1000
    03-17 12:46 AM
    If I were going to spend over a year in a country which required a visa to visit (such as Nigeria), in order to study the local culture, which kind of visa would I need to obtain before hand? Business, work, study, visitor, etc?
    Thanks!

    you should contact their Embassy/Consulate for details.



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    • kirupa
    05-19 08:48 AM
    Hey johnnnnnyboy,
    I don't know if Swift allows already animated files into its design environment. I am guessing it would be a "no" but I really am not sure.


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    • tnite
    06-05 12:49 AM
    My I140 was filed 10/01/2007 and it got approved Jun 4th,2008 I think the processing dates are little misleading.

    The details in my signature belong to my wife's petitions.



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    • Anders �stberg
    November 22nd, 2004, 12:30 AM
    Grumble, grumble...

    I don't think I've ever seen a discount, Canon triple rebates, or any low prices in general over here...

    Your prices are lower *and* you get rebates - not that I want the Kodak dSLR, but it's still not fair. :)
    Couple of mins discussion by a Journalist on Fox News - "The Journal Edition Report" [Archive] - Immigration Voice
    Log in

    View Full Version : Couple of mins discussion by a Journalist on Fox News - "The Journal Edition Report"



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    • Macaca
    10-27 10:14 AM
    America has a persuadable center, but neither party appeals to it (http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/10/25/AR2007102502774.html) By Jonathan Yardley (yardleyj@washpost.com) | Washington Post, October 28, 2007

    THE SECOND CIVIL WAR: How Extreme Partisanship Has Paralyzed Washington and Polarized America By Ronald Brownstein, Penguin. 484 pp. $27.95

    These are difficult times for American politics at just about all levels, but especially in presidential politics, which has been poisoned -- the word is scarcely too strong -- by a variety of influences, none more poisonous than what Ronald Brownstein calls "an unrelenting polarization . . . that has divided Washington and the country into hostile, even irreconcilable camps." There is nothing new about this, he quickly acknowledges, and "partisan rivalry most often has been a source of energy, innovation, and inspiration," but what is particularly worrisome now "is that the political system is more polarized than the country. Rather than reducing the level of conflict, Washington increases it. That tendency, not the breadth of the underlying divisions itself, is the defining characteristic of our era and the principal cause of our impasse on so many problems."

    Most people who pay reasonably close attention to American politics will not find much to surprise them in The Second Civil War, but Brownstein -- who recently left the Los Angeles Times to become political correspondent for Atlantic Media and who is a familiar figure on television talk shows -- has done a thorough job of amassing all the pertinent material and analyzing it with no apparent political or ideological axe to grind. He isn't an especially graceful prose stylist, and he's given to glib, one-word portraits -- on a single page he gives us "the burly Joseph T. Robinson," "the bullet-headed Sam Rayburn," "the mystical Henry A. Wallace" and "the flinty Harold Ickes" -- but stylistic elegance is a rare quality in political journalism in the best of times, and in these worst of times it can be forgiven. What matters is that Brownstein knows what he's talking about.

    He devotes the book's first 175 pages -- more, really, than are necessary -- to laying the groundwork for the present situation. Since the election of 1896, he argues, "the two parties have moved through four distinct phases": the first, from 1896 to 1938, when they pursued "highly partisan strategies," the "period in modern American life most like our own"; the second, from the late New Deal through the assassination of John F. Kennedy, "the longest sustained period of bipartisan negotiation in American history," an "ideal of cooperation across party lines"; the third, from the mid-1960s to the mid-1990s, "a period of transition" in which "the pressures for more partisan confrontation intensified"; and the fourth, "our own period of hyperpartisanship, an era that may be said to have fully arrived when the Republican-controlled House of Representatives voted on a virtually party-line vote to impeach Bill Clinton in December 1998."

    As is well known, the lately departed (but scarcely forgotten) Karl Rove likes to celebrate the presidency of William McKinley, which serious historians generally dismiss out of hand but in which Rove claims to find strength and mastery. Perhaps, as Brownstein and others have suggested, this is because Rove would like to be placed alongside Mark Hanna, the immensely skilled (and immensely cynical) boss who was the power behind McKinley's throne. But the comparison is, indeed, valid in the sense that the McKinley era was the precursor of the Bush II era, which "harkened back to the intensely partisan strategies of McKinley and his successors." Bush's strategies are now widely regarded as failures, not merely among his enemies but also among his erstwhile allies on Capitol Hill, who grouse about "White House incompetence or arrogance." But Brownstein places these complaints in proper context:

    "Yet many conservatives recognized in Bush a kindred soul, not only in ideology, but more importantly in temperament. Because their goals were transformative rather than incremental, conservative activists could not be entirely satisfied with the give and take, the half a loaf deal making, of politics in ordinary times. . . . In Bush they found a leader who shared that conviction and who demonstrated, over and again, that in service of his goals he was willing to sharply divide the Congress and the country."

    This, as Brownstein notes, came from the man who pledged to govern as "a uniter, not a divider." Bush's service as governor of Texas had been marked by what one Democrat there called a "collaborative spirit," but "he is not the centrist as president that he was as governor." This cannot be explained solely by the influence of Rove, who appeared to be far more interested in placating the GOP's hard-right "base" than in enacting effective legislation. Other influences probably included a Democratic congressional leadership that grew ever more hostile and ideological, the frenzied climate whipped up by screamers on radio and television, and Bush's own determination not to repeat his father's second-term electoral defeat. But whatever the precise causes, the Bush Administration's "forceful, even belligerent style" assured nothing except deadlock on the Hill, even on issues as important to Bush as immigration and Social Security "reform."

    Brownstein's analysis of the American mood is far different from Bush/Rove's. He believes, and I think he's right, that there is "still a persuadable center in American politics -- and that no matter how effectively a party mobilized its base, it could not prevail if those swing voters moved sharply and cohesively against it," viz., the 2006 midterm elections. He also believes, and again I think he's right, that coalition politics is the wisest and most effective way to govern: "The party that seeks to encompass and harmonize the widest range of interests and perspectives is the one most likely to thrive. The overriding lesson for both parties from the Bush attempt to profit from polarization is that there remains no way to achieve lasting political power in a nation as diverse as America without assembling a broad coalition that locks arms to produce meaningful progress against the country's problems." As Lyndon Johnson used to say to those on the other side of the fence, "Come now, let us reason together."

    Yet there's not much evidence that many in either party have learned this rather obvious lesson. Several of the (remarkably uninspired) presidential candidates have made oratorical gestures toward the politics of inclusion, but from Hillary Clinton to Rudolph Giuliani they're practicing interest-group politics of exclusion as delineated in the Gospel According to Karl Rove. Things have not been helped a bit by the Democratic leadership on the Hill, which took office early this year with great promises of unity but quickly lapsed into an ineffective mixture of partisan rhetoric and internal bickering. Brownstein writes:

    "Our modern system of hyperpartisanship has unnecessarily inflamed our differences and impeded progress against our most pressing challenges. . . . In Washington the political debate too often careens between dysfunctional poles: either polarization, when one party imposes its will over the bitter resistance of the other, or immobilization, when the parties fight to stalemate. . . . Our political system has virtually lost its capacity to formulate the principled compromises indispensable for progress in any diverse society. By any measure, the costs of hyperpartisanship vastly exceed the benefits."

    Brownstein has plenty of suggestions for changing things, from "allowing independents to participate in primaries" to "changing the rules for drawing districts in the House of Representatives." Most of these are sensible and a few are first-rate, but they have about as much chance of being adopted as I do of being president. The current rush by the states to be fustest with the mostest in primary season suggests how difficult it would be to achieve reform in that area, and the radical gerrymandering of Texas congressional districts engineered by Tom DeLay makes plain that reform in that one won't be easy, either. Probably what would do more good than anything else would be an attractive, well-organized, articulate presidential candidate willing, in Adlai Stevenson's words, "to talk sense to the American people." Realistically, though, what we can look for is more meanness, divisiveness and cynicism. It's the order of the day, and it's not going away any time soon.



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    • rajeshj_18
    09-28 11:52 PM
    Hi,

    My fiance has filed for h1 extension. we will be travelling to india for marriage by dec. since petition papers are not expected to come by December, i was thinking if the following can be done

    1. she comes along with me under h4 visa.
    2. once petion paper comes, her visa status changes from h4 to h1 and then she can continue her job.

    is this possible?

    will h1 visa processing continue to happen when one comes to US under H4 visa.

    kindly suggest.

    Thanks.


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    • good idea
    05-19 12:03 PM
    hello all,

    My H1 extension was filed with regular processing and I got RFE too.
    My office has replied to RFE and as per tracking it is delivered today.

    any guess about following -

    Approx. after how many days USCIS update the status with "response" received?

    thanks.



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    • GSB
    09-13 12:10 PM
    Please see this letter sent by governors of 13 states to the Senate and Congress on 09-11-07.

    http://shusterman.com/pdf/h1b-governors.pdf


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    • kirupa
    02-14 04:48 AM
    Program is the name of your main application's class itself. What I am doing is creating an instance of my application and using the two methods that live inside that class.

    :)



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    • immi2010
    03-03 05:34 PM
    I have an issue with my recent H1B approval on Feb'2010. I am seeking your advice in this regard.

    I have been in H1B since 11/01/2005 , entered US on 04/20/2006 and my PERM has been already approved with a PD of 03/15/2009. My current I 94 is expiring on 4/13/2010. Recently I got an H1B extension approval of just 1 year (4/13/2010 to 4/13/2011) , which is less than actual 6 years with approved PERM.

    Do you think that any appeal or ammendent can be done to extend the approval period? With my H1B petition I had to enclose a client engagement letter which confirmed my engagement but didn�t have any engagement end date there.

    If you think that any appeal or ammendent can be done with USCIS, then kindly advise me accordingly. Thanks


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    • Humhongekamyab
    02-26 02:40 PM
    My PD for the EB-2 application is December 2005 BUT I filed my 485 in August 2008 so I am wondering if the US CIS will work on my 485 once my PD is current or will they wait for the PD and the 485 filing date to be current?

    Thanks!



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    • dealsnet
    01-04 03:18 PM
    I think you can apply for waiver.
    Read this link.
    Waivers of Fingerprinting Under the BIOVISA Program (http://travel.state.gov/visa/laws/telegrams/telegrams_2777.html)

    ALSO SEE THIS FOR FORMS FOR WAIVER:

    INS Memo on Fingerprint Waiver Policy (http://www.immigrationlinks.com/news/news144.htm)


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    • senk1s
    10-24 08:20 PM
    I've got some questions/comment to understand your situation

    1. How do you know it is stuck in security check? What is your attorney's suggestion

    For regular EB applications you can apply for 485 when priority date is current

    2. EAD is generally adjudicated within 90 days

    3. She should have a visa of her own - if she cannot be your dependant



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    • i4u
    09-08 09:06 AM
    True, the EB based categories are the ones mentioned whenever the benefits of having immigration is discussed, but when it comes to actions, we are the last category to get solutions :eek:


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    • Blog Feeds
    03-29 07:50 AM
    Hat tip to a helpful reader for this very encouraging news being reported by Newsweek. Readers may remember my posting a story last month that the Obama Administration has decided not to defend the reprehensible Defense of Marriage Act in court (though not surprisingly, House Republicans have taken up doing that work). Sooner or later, however, DOMA is going to be struck down. In the mean time, two USCIS offices - Washington, DC and Baltimore, have announced that they are accepting adjustment of status green card petitions and putting them on hold pending the decision by the courts in various...

    More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2011/03/two-uscis-offices-accepting-same-sex-marriage-green-card-petitions.html)



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    • niklshah
    09-19 10:58 AM
    It was really a proud moment for me and my wife to be part of rally yesterday. I felt really good that i am trying to do something about the situation. Hats off to aman kapoor and other core members who are putting their heart and sould into this fight even though they have their green cards already. As per the message conveyed in rally our real work begins now as we have to educate the congress members about the differance of legal and illegal immigration process. we should also try to involve as many members as possible who were not able to attend the rally due to their personal situation to be active in this education process. again salute to aman kapoor and core member team.



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    • kaisersose
    04-19 11:49 AM
    I moved recently with a pending 485 from NSC jurisdiction to TX as I see no problems.



    SK06
    02-05 07:53 PM
    Hello,

    I am from India and currently visiting USA on B2 visa. I recently got a job with a very reputed firm in US and applied for an H1B but my application reached USCIS after the H1B quota was full.

    I really want to work for my new employer and would like to know what other options do I have to obtain work permit in USA other than L1 Visa?

    Thanks,
    SK



    justAnotherFile
    01-11 03:53 PM
    "'We are a threat, whether we are doctors or cab drivers, lefty radio hosts or right-wing Congressmen'"....

    interesting interview with sociologist Sudhir Alladi Venkatesh http://specials.rediff.com/news/2007/jan/11slid5.htm


    Posted by Sherye at 9:28 AM

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